BY KULDEEP SINGH YADAV
As Uttar Pradesh inches closer to a crucial Assembly election, every political decision carries weight. The reported move by the Samajwadi Party to rely on a leader whose grassroots influence appears to have faded has sparked intense debate. In a state where minority votes often shape outcomes, miscalculations can prove costly. While strategic inclusivity is essential, banking on a politically weakened face may send the wrong signal to voters seeking strong and credible representation. For Akhilesh Yadav, the challenge lies in ensuring that fresh alignments strengthen the party’s base rather than expose vulnerabilities ahead of the high-stakes battle.
As Uttar Pradesh moves steadily toward the high-stakes Assembly elections due early next year, a fresh political development has begun to stir debate across the state. Naseemuddin Siddiqui, once a powerful figure in the Bahujan Samaj Party and long regarded as one of the closest confidantes of Mayawati, has quit the Congress and is reportedly preparing to join the Samajwadi Party. The move, which follows weeks of internal deliberations and consultations with supporters, signals yet another shift in Uttar Pradesh’s fluid political landscape.
On Friday, after offering namaz, Siddiqui met with his core supporters and confidants. For nearly 20 days prior, he toured various districts, particularly in western Uttar Pradesh, holding discussions and assessing the political mood on the ground. These consultations, insiders suggest, culminated in his decision to extend support to SP chief Akhilesh Yadav, with the aim of “strengthening his hands” ahead of the crucial electoral battle.
Siddiqui’s political journey has been long and eventful. Beginning his career in the BSP, he rose to prominence during Mayawati’s tenure as Chief Minister, serving as a cabinet minister and emerging as one of the party’s prominent Muslim faces. Over time, he built a reputation for his influence in western Uttar Pradesh, particularly among sections of minority voters. His oratory skills and organizational reach once made him a formidable presence in the region’s electoral arithmetic.
However, political fortunes often change. After parting ways with the BSP, Siddiqui joined the Congress, hoping to revive his influence and find a new political footing. Yet, in his resignation letter addressed to Congress president Mallikarjun Kharge, Siddiqui expressed feelings of neglect and marginalization within the party structure. He suggested that his experience and grassroots connect were not adequately utilized, prompting his decision to step aside.
Despite his long résumé, critics argue that Siddiqui’s political capital may not be what it once was. Over the years, shifts in leadership dynamics and emerging regional faces have altered the landscape of minority politics in Uttar Pradesh. Some political observers believe that Siddiqui’s influence among Muslim voters has diminished, and that he no longer commands the same emotional or electoral pull he once enjoyed. In today’s competitive environment, where identity politics intersects sharply with performance and perception, legacy alone may not guarantee relevance.
Reports indicate that Siddiqui’s move toward the Samajwadi Party may also be guided by personal and strategic considerations. Political circles suggest that one of his priorities could be securing a stable political future for his son, Afzal Siddiqui. By aligning with a major regional player like the SP, Siddiqui may be attempting to create space for his family within the evolving power structure. Such generational transitions are not uncommon in Uttar Pradesh politics, where legacy and lineage often intersect with party strategy.
For the Samajwadi Party, the potential induction of Siddiqui presents both opportunity and challenge. On one hand, his administrative experience and past ministerial role could add depth to the party’s minority outreach. On the other, the SP already has strong Muslim leadership figures, most notably Azam Khan, whose ability to mobilize large crowds and energize the cadre remains widely acknowledged. Comparisons between the two leaders are inevitable. While Azam Khan is often described as a charismatic mass mobilizer, Siddiqui’s current ability to draw similar enthusiasm is a matter of debate.
The larger question, however, is how this move fits into the broader electoral calculus. With the Assembly elections approaching, Akhilesh Yadav faces the delicate task of consolidating the Muslim vote while maintaining a balanced social coalition. Uttar Pradesh politics has always required precise arithmetic, blending caste equations, minority support, and regional dynamics. Any new entrant into the party must be carefully positioned to avoid factional tensions while maximizing outreach. Siddiqui’s entry could be seen as part of a broader strategy to signal inclusivity and widen the party’s umbrella.
Yet, whether this translates into tangible electoral gains remains uncertain. Voters today are more discerning, and party switches are often scrutinized for their intent and timing. Ultimately, Naseemuddin Siddiqui’s political repositioning underscores the restless churn of Uttar Pradesh politics. As alliances shift and leaders recalibrate, the coming months will reveal whether this latest move reshapes equations on the ground or remains a symbolic gesture in an intensely competitive race. For Akhilesh Yadav and the Samajwadi Party, the challenge will be to ensure that every addition strengthens, rather than complicates, their path to power.
